The researchers asked whether transfers of foraging tools and baobab fruit impose an immediate cost on the possessor and create an immediate benefit for the recipient—behavioral criteria that can support, but not fully establish, teaching and social learning.
The research question and why it matters
The researchers asked whether transfers of foraging tools and baobab fruit impose an immediate cost on the possessor and create an immediate benefit for the recipient—behavioral criteria that can support, but not fully establish, teaching and social learning.
Field studies at Taï, Gombe, Goualougo and other sites have shown that young chimpanzees observe skilled individuals, practice for years and sometimes receive termite-fishing or nut-cracking tools. Experiments and long-term observation support social learning of chimpanzee traditions. The Dindefelo work adds four savanna technologies—including algae fishing and baobab pounding—and compares behavior immediately around naturally occurring transfers.
What researchers found
The cameras recorded 33 tool transfers and four fruit transfers. Most tool transfers were recoveries or tolerated takes and occurred between mothers and offspring. After non-recovery transfers, initial possessors spent less time using the tool and made fewer insertions, while recipients spent more time using it and made more insertions and mouthfuls. Two detailed cases—ant dipping and baobab pounding—illustrated how access to an object and an experienced individual could facilitate practice.
Key results from the tested systems
tool transfers
Recorded across algae fishing, ant dipping and termite fishing.
fruit transfers
Baobab fruit was used with stationary anvils for pounding.
field period
Camera traps sampled non-habituated wild chimpanzees.
comparison window
Behavior immediately before and after each transfer was coded.
How the research worked
From 2017 to 2025, camera traps collected 14 hours 58 minutes of footage at 14 algae-fishing, ant-dipping and termite-fishing sites, plus 30 minutes at 11 baobab-pounding sites. Researchers coded transfers and compared each animal's tool-use time, insertions and food mouthfuls during the 30 seconds before and after a transfer. Recoveries of abandoned tools were excluded from the principal before-and-after models, and linear mixed-effects models accounted for repeated observations.
How to interpret this design
The result is conditional on the model structure, inputs, boundary conditions and scenarios chosen by the researchers. Agreement with known observations strengthens confidence, but a projection is not a direct observation of the future or the inaccessible past.
Animal research can reveal biological mechanisms and generate testable hypotheses, but it is preclinical evidence. Differences in physiology, dose, environment and disease models mean that human benefit or safety cannot be assumed.
What strengthens or limits the finding?
The observations came from wild, unprovisioned chimpanzees across several locally used technologies, and the researchers compared behavior immediately before and after transfers. Only 37 transfer events were recorded, most involved mothers and young offspring, and the design could not test durable learning or the possessor's intention.
This is an early signal that deserves attention and replication, not a result that should yet carry the weight of mature, independently confirmed research.
Funding and disclosure context
The recorded funding source is: la Caixa Foundation fellowship LCF/BQ/DR24/12080012; Ramón y Cajal grant RYC2022-037569-I funded by MICIU/AEI and ESF+; Generalitat de Catalunya grant 2021SGR00366; and grants from the Leakey, Atapuerca and Palarq foundations. The recorded conflict information is: The authors declared no commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest. Funding or a disclosed relationship does not by itself invalidate a result, but it is relevant when judging design choices, analysis and the need for independent replication.
What it means
The observations broaden evidence that chimpanzee technology is transmitted through social opportunities, including in a dry savanna population and across several foraging behaviors. Tolerance, leaving a tool behind or actively allowing a youngster to take it can give an immature animal immediate access to materials and technique. Calling that behavior teaching uses a functional animal-behavior definition; it does not imply language, formal instruction or knowledge of another mind.
Deeper analysis
Opportunity is part of learning
A novice cannot practice a difficult action without the right object and access to a productive site. A tolerated take may look passive, yet it can remove a material barrier and place the learner beside an experienced model.
Immediate benefit is not mastery
More insertions and mouthfuls after a transfer show that recipients used the opportunity. Demonstrating learning would also require later evidence that technique, efficiency or independent success changed because of the event.
Teaching has a technical definition
Comparative researchers often call behavior teaching when it changes in a learner's presence, costs or does not benefit the experienced animal, and improves the learner's opportunity or performance. That definition is narrower than assuming conscious pedagogy.
Field realism creates uncertainty
Unhabituated chimpanzees behave without a nearby human observer, an important strength. Fixed cameras, however, miss travel, gestures outside the frame and interactions at unsampled locations, so the social sequence remains incomplete.
What it does NOT prove
- It does not prove that each recipient permanently learned a new skill from one transfer.
- It does not show that adult chimpanzees intentionally planned a lesson or understood the learner's knowledge.
- It does not establish how often transfers occur across the full population or every foraging season.
- It does not show that chimpanzee teaching is cognitively identical to human teaching.
- It does not demonstrate that the same pattern occurs in other habitats, communities or tool traditions.
Important limitations
- Thirty-seven transfers are a small evidence base, and only four involved baobab fruit rather than a portable tool.
- Most events involved mothers and offspring, making age, kinship, tolerance and teaching difficult to separate.
- Camera traps sampled selected tool-use locations rather than following individuals continuously across the landscape.
- The 30-second windows measure immediate behavior, not later skill acquisition, retention or independent performance.
- Recoveries, tolerated takes and active transfers may arise through different social processes even when they create similar opportunities.
- Behavioral definitions of teaching identify costs and benefits but cannot reveal an animal's private intention or understanding.
How this fits with previous research
Field studies at Taï, Gombe, Goualougo and other sites have shown that young chimpanzees observe skilled individuals, practice for years and sometimes receive termite-fishing or nut-cracking tools. Experiments and long-term observation support social learning of chimpanzee traditions. The Dindefelo work adds four savanna technologies—including algae fishing and baobab pounding—and compares behavior immediately around naturally occurring transfers.
Questions still unanswered
- Do recipients become more proficient days or months after receiving tools?
- When does a possessor actively modify behavior for a learner rather than merely tolerate a take?
- Do daughters and sons receive different opportunities after accounting for age and proximity?
- How do transfer patterns differ among forests, woodlands and savanna communities?
- Can individual identification and longer continuous observation distinguish teaching from kinship and social tolerance?
Relevant U.S. government resources
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Wild chimpanzees used tool transfers to open brief learning opportunities
This review was developed from the source record below and, when separately available, the primary paper or government report. The summary and analysis on this page are original editorial writing.
- Source organization
- University of Barcelona and Jane Goodall Institute Spain
- Source type
- Scientific organization
- Authors
- Andreu Sánchez-Megías, Amanda Barciela, Kevin López-Leal, Flavia Piccolella, Carlota F. Galán-Plana, Nadia Mirghani, Manuel Llana, Jordi Galbany, Laia Dotras, Justinn Renelies-Hamilton, Adrián Arroyo and R. Adriana Hernandez-Aguilar
- Journal / report
- Frontiers in Psychology
- Publication date
- September 16, 2026
- DOI
- 10.3389/fpsyg.2026.1868894
- PMID
- Not available
- Institution
- University of Barcelona, Jane Goodall Institute Spain, Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology and collaborating Catalan research institutes
- Funding
- la Caixa Foundation fellowship LCF/BQ/DR24/12080012; Ramón y Cajal grant RYC2022-037569-I funded by MICIU/AEI and ESF+; Generalitat de Catalunya grant 2021SGR00366; and grants from the Leakey, Atapuerca and Palarq foundations
- Conflicts
- The authors declared no commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest
- Open access
- Yes
- Reuse approach
- Methods and findings summarized independently from the institutional research report and the open peer-reviewed article; no source wording, camera-trap footage, photographs, figures or tables reproduced.
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